Can an international cooperation mechanism like The Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC) be a game-changer for the foreign affairs of Nepal, a country that desperately needs to forge new relations at global level?
My answer would be a straightforward “NO” but at the same time we should ask ourselves, what are the other options available?
Considering that SAARC is in a moribund state, there are no other international cooperation platforms available for Kathmandu. Certainly the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) can be considered as symbolically important due to its history. Even though some of its ideals and scopes might still resonate these days, in practicality, it is a dinosaur of international relations.
What about the Colombo Plan? Despite its potential, this very diverse bloc of nations also lost all its relevance. What was potentially an intriguing idea in terms of cooperation among nations proved to be ineffective.
So what are the other options?
BIMSTEC has some potential especially because regional mammoths like India have a unique interest in using this mechanism as a bridge between South Asia and South East Asia. Also Thailand, the second biggest member in terms of economy and political influence in the whole Asia Pacific, is very keen to ensure that the organization can grow and bring in some tangible results.
Organizationally speaking, the division of responsibilities and areas of interest among its members, each of them leading in certain domains of policy making, might be a practical way to achieve some targeted outcomes. Yet every expert would easily agree that a stronger and ambitious regional cooperation organization cannot march on and reach bold goals with such working modality. Moreover, the fact that the last BIMSTEC summit was held three years ago is a clear indicator of the limitations of this bloc.
So in this scenario, Nepal has no other choice of trying to ensure that even a weak mechanism like BIMSTEC can be turned into a useful arm of its foreign policy. A positive consequence, even if not directly linked to the BIMSTEC as a regional mechanism itself, is the fact that Prime Minister K P Sharma Oli will have an opportunity to bilaterally meet some key leaders, including the Thai PM Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra and PM Modi of India. Considering Nepal’s challenges to assert itself internationally, the possibility of meeting some heads of government should not be discounted.
But first let’s analyze the multilateral dimension of BIMSTEC and let’s start with some questions.
To start with, how much is Nepal ready to “invest” in the post-summit and its follow up initiatives? Then, will the Ministry of Foreign Affairs be inclined to play a real coordination role among other ministries in order to follow up with the decisions taken in the summit? In consequence, will more senior officials be devoted to work on the BIMSTEC file? Lastly, will the Institute of Foreign Affairs, the official think tank of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, get engaged in some new and innovative research focused on BIMSTEC and its member countries?
The summit will produce what has been heralded as a trailblazer document, the Bangkok Vision that is set to chart the course of the BIMSTEC over the next few years. Has any in depth analysis been carried out about the potential impact of this strategy document? What will be its practical implications for a country like Nepal? I am wondering if, in the past months, there was any serious discussion about it to better capture the significance of this document.
Engaging non-state stakeholders, including students and citizens interested in matters of foreign policy, will always be a win-win for a government because bottom up approaches and open discussions always offer legitimacy to elected policy makers and diplomats alike.
The implementation of the Bangkok Vision should be seen as an opportunity to the foreign policy mandarins and international relations pundits in Kathmandu to brainstorm how this document can be maximized to best benefit Nepal.
The BIMSTEC’s Report of Eminent Persons’ Group, a blueprint with practical suggestions that would accompany the release of the Bangkok Vision, should also enable a new debate in Nepal about BIMSTEC. (By the way, who knows who Nepal’s representative was in this informal group?)
Then there is the bilateral dimension of BIMSTEC. How can Nepal leverage a forum like BIMSTEC to create new opportunities of cooperation bilaterally?
Organizing bilateral meetings on the sidelines of the summit is relatively easy but what about the strategy to maximize the relationships with the individual members of this bloc? Among its members, Nepal should particularly be focused on forging new initiatives with countries like Thailand, Sri Lanka and Bangladesh considering that the bilateral relations with Bhutan will remain hampered due to the refugee issues. Kathmandu should have in place a clear approach and timeframe over which it can forge deeper ties with the above mentioned nations.
Having the Foreign Minister visiting their capitals would be a first step but it must be robustly followed up through exchanges of senior officials from relevant ministries, rather than just from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Also supporting interactions among non-state actors, track II type of diplomacy would be paramount to pave the way for official visits of the Prime Minister and possibly also the President.
At the same time, efforts to build on this summit both at multilateral and bilateral levels, can produce results if there is a clear bipartisan willingness and vision. We should not forget that foreign policy is a reflection of national politics.
If a country manages to run its own internal affairs efficiently by pushing effective policy reforms anchored on the principles of good governance, then, almost by default, also the foreign policy dimension will benefit from it. Lacking at the moment alternatives, Nepal should do whatever it can to maximize the potential impact of a mechanism like BIMSTEC no matter its inherent and structural weaknesses. But the solid foundations in national politics are indispensable. And, yes, homework starts at home. Let’s not forget it.
Views are personal.
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